Millions of protesters from a variety of socio-economic and
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The 2011 Egyptian revolution ثورة ٢٥ يناير thawret 25 yanāyir, Revolution of 25 January) took place following a popular uprising that began on 25 January 2011. The uprising was mainly comprised of a campaign of non-violent civil resistance, which featured a series of demonstrations, marches, acts of civil disobedience, and labour strikes.
The 2011 Egyptian revolution ثورة ٢٥ يناير thawret 25 yanāyir, Revolution of 25 January) took place following a popular uprising that began on 25 January 2011. The uprising was mainly comprised of a campaign of non-violent civil resistance, which featured a series of demonstrations, marches, acts of civil disobedience, and labour strikes.
religious backgrounds demanded the overthrow of the regime of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak. Despite being predominantly peaceful in nature, the revolution was not without violent clashes between security forces and protesters. The uprising took place in
Cairo, Alexandria, and in other cities in Egypt, following the Tunisian Revolution that saw the overthrow of the long-time Tunisian president. On 11 February, following weeks of determined popular protest and pressure, Mubarak resigned from office.
Grievances of Egyptian protesters were focused on legal and political issues including police brutality state of emergency laws lack of free elections and freedom of speech uncontrollable corruption and economic issues including high unemployment food price inflation and low minimum wages The primary demands from protest organizers were the end of the Hosni Mubarak regime and the end of emergency law; freedom, justice, a responsive non-military government, and a say in the management of Egypt's resources. Strikes by labour unions added to the pressure on government officials.
There were up to 840 deaths reported, and over 6,000 were injured. The capital city of Cairo was described as "a war zone, and the port city of Suez was the scene of frequent violent clashes. The government imposed a curfew that protesters defied and that the police and military did not enforce. The presence of Egypt's Central Security Forces police, loyal to Mubarak, was gradually replaced by largely restrained military troops. In the absence of police, there was looting by gangs that opposition sources said were instigated by plainclothes police officers. In response, watch groups were organised by civilians to protect neighbourhoods.
International response to the protests was initially mixed, though most called for some sort of peaceful protests on both sides and moves toward reform. Most Western governments expressed concern about the situation. Many governments issued travel advisories and made attempts to evacuate their citizens from the country. The Egyptian Revolution, along with Tunisian events, has influenced demonstrations in other Arab countries including Yemen, Bahrain, Jordan, Syria, and Libya.
Mubarak dissolved his government and appointed military figure and former head of the Egyptian General Intelligence Directorate Omar Suleiman as Vice-President in an attempt to quell dissent. Mubarak asked aviation minister and former chief of Egypt's Air Force, Ahmed Shafik, to form a new government. Mohamed ElBaradei became a major figure of the opposition, with all major opposition groups supporting his role as a negotiator for some form of transitional unity government. In response to mounting pressure, Mubarak announced he would not seek re-election in September.
On 11 February Vice President Omar Suleiman announced that Mubarak would be stepping down as president and turning power over to the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces. The junta, headed by effective head of state Mohamed Hussein Tantawi, announced on 13 February that the constitution would be suspended, both houses of parliament dissolved, and that the military would rule for six months until elections could be held. The prior cabinet, including Prime Minister Ahmed Shafik, would continue to serve as a caretaker government until a new one is formed. Shafik resigned on 3 March, a day before major protests to get him to step down were planned; he was replaced by Essam Sharaf, the former transport minister.
•
Naming
In Egypt and the wider Arab world, the protests and subsequent changes in the government have generally been referred to as the 25 January Revolution (ثورة 25 يناير Thawrat 25 Yanāyir), Freedom Revolution (ثورة حرية Thawrat Horeya), or Rage Revolution (ثورة الغضب), and less frequently, the Revolution of the Youth (ثورة الشباب Thawrat al-Shabāb), Lotus Revolution (ثورة اللوتس), or White Revolution (الثورة البيضاء al-Thawrah al-bayḍā
Background
Hosni Mubarak in 2009
Hosni Mubarak became head of Egypt's semi-presidential republic government following the 1981 assassination of President Anwar El Sadat, and continued to serve until 2011. Mubarak's 30-year reign made him the longest serving President in Egypt's history, with his National Democratic Party (NDP) government maintaining one-party rule under a continuous state of emergency. Mubarak's government earned the support of the West and a continuation of annual aid from the United States by maintaining policies of suppression towards Islamic militants and peace with Israel. Hosni Mubarak was often compared to an Egyptian pharaoh by the media and by some of his critics due to his authoritarian rule.
Inheritance of power
Main article: Gamal Mubarak
Gamal Mubarak, the younger of Mubarak's two sons, began being groomed to be his father's successor as the next president of Egypt around the year 2000 Gamal started receiving considerable attention in the Egyptian media, as there were no other apparent heirs to the presidency. Bashar al-Assad's rise to power in Syria in June 2000, just hours after Hafez al-Assad's death sparked a heated debate in the Egyptian press regarding the prospects for a similar scenario occurring in Cairo.
In the years after Mubarak's 2004 reelection several political groups (most in Egypt are unofficial) on both the left and the right, announced their sharp opposition to the inheritance of power. They demanded political change and asked for a fair election with more than one candidate. In 2006, with opposition rising, The Daily News Egypt reported on an online campaign initiative called the National Initiative against Power Inheritance which demanded Gamal reduce his power. The campaign stated, "President Mubarak and his son constantly denied even the possibility of [succession]. However, in reality they did the opposite, including amending the constitution to make sure that Gamal will be the only unchallenged candidate."
Over the course of the decade perception grew that Gamal would succeed his father. He wielded increasing power as NDP deputy secretary general, in addition to a post he held heading the party's policy committee. Analysts went so far as describing Mubarak's last decade in power as “the age of Gamal Mubarak.” With Mubarak’s health declining and the leader refusing to appoint a vice-president, Gamal was considered by some to be Egypt's de-facto president.
Both Gamal and Hosni Mubarak continued to deny that an inheritance would take place. There was talk, however, of Gamal being elected; with Hosni Mubarak's presidential term set to expire in 2010 there was speculation Gamal would run as the NDP party's candidate in 2011.
After the January–February 2011 protest, Gamal Mubarak stated that he would not be running for the presidency in the 2011 elections.
Emergency law
Main article: Emergency law in Egypt
An emergency law (Law No. 162 of 1958) was enacted after the 1967 Six-Day War. It was suspended for 18 months in the early 1980s and has otherwise continuously been in effect since President Sadat's 1981 assassination. Under the law, police powers are extended, constitutional rights suspended, censorship is legalised, and the government may imprison individuals indefinitely and without reason. The law sharply limits any non-governmental political activity, including street demonstrations, non-approved political organizations, and unregistered financial donations. The Mubarak government has cited the threat of terrorism in order to extend the emergency law, claiming that opposition groups like the Muslim Brotherhood could come into power in Egypt if the current government did not forgo parliamentary elections and suppress the group through actions allowed under emergency law. This has led to the imprisonment of activists without trials, illegal undocumented hidden detention facilities, and rejecting university, mosque, and newspaper staff members based on their political inclination. A parliamentary election in December 2010 was preceded by a media crackdown, arrests, candidate bans (particularly of the Muslim Brotherhood), and allegations of fraud involving the near-unanimous victory by the ruling party in parliament. Human rights organisations estimate that in 2010 between 5,000 and 10,000 people were in long-term detention without charge or trial.
Police brutality
Further information: Law enforcement in Egypt
According to a report from the U.S. Embassy in Egypt, police brutalities are common and widespread in Egypt. In the last five years, the Mubarak regime has denied the existence of torture or abuse carried out by the police. However, there are many claims by domestic and international groups providing evidence through inmate cellphone videos or first-hand accounts of hundreds of police abuse cases. In November 2008 alone there were two police officers who shot and killed civilians over petty issues with no legal justification.
According to the 2009 Human Rights Report by the U.S. State Department, "Domestic and international human rights groups reported that the Ministry of Interior (MOI) State Security Investigative Service (SSIS), police, and other government entities continued to employ torture to extract information or force confessions. The Egyptian Organization for Human Rights documented 30 cases of torture during the year 2009. In numerous trials defendants alleged that police tortured them during questioning. During the year activists and observers circulated some amateur cellphone videos documenting the alleged abuse of citizens by security officials. For example, on February 8, a blogger posted a video of two police officers, identified by their first names and last initials, sodomizing a bound naked man named Ahmed Abdel Fattah Ali with a bottle. On August 12, the same blogger posted two videos of alleged police torture of a man in a Port Said police station by the head of investigations, Mohammed Abu Ghazala. There was no indication that the government investigated either case.
The deployment of plainclothes forces paid by Mubarak's ruling party, Baltageya,[58] (Arabic: بلطجية), has been a hallmark of the Mubarak government. The Egyptian Organisation for Human Rights has documented 567 cases of torture, including 167 deaths, by police that occurred between 1993 and 2007. Excessive force was often used by law enforcement agencies. The police forces constantly squelched democratic uprisings with brutal force and corrupt tactics. On 6 June 2010 Khaled Mohamed Saeed died under disputed circumstances in the Sidi Gaber area of Alexandria. Multiple witnesses testified that Saeed was beaten to death by the police. A Facebook page called "We are all Khaled Said" helped bring nationwide attention to the case. Mohamed ElBaradei, former head of the International Atomic Energy Agency, led a rally in 2010 in Alexandria against alleged abuses by the police and visited Saeed's family to offer condolences.
During the January — February 2011 protests, police brutality was high in response to the protests. Jack Shenker, a reporter for The Guardian, was arrested during the mass protests in Cairo on 26 January 2011. He witnessed fellow Egyptian protesters being tortured, assaulted, and taken to undisclosed locations by police officers. Shenker and other detainees were released after one of his fellow detainees' well-known father, Ayman Nour, covertly intervened.
Corruption in government elections
Accusations of corruption, coercion to not vote, and manipulation of the election results have occurred during many of the elections over the past 30 years. Until 2005, Mubarak was the only candidate to run for the presidency, on a yes/no vote. Mubarak has won five consecutive presidential elections with a sweeping majority. Opposition groups and international election monitoring agencies have accused the elections of being rigged. These agencies have not been allowed to monitor the elections. The only opposing presidential candidate in recent Egyptian history, Ayman Nour, was imprisoned before the 2005 elections, According to a UN survey, voter turnout is extremely low (around 25%) because of the lack of trust in the corrupt representational system.
Restrictions on free speech and press
Even though the Egyptian constitution provides for the universal freedom of speech (Egypt Constitution, Article 47 - 49),[ the government frequently sanctioned home raids, torture, arrests, and fining of bloggers and reporters that criticise the government in any way. Under the current state of emergency laws, the government can censor anything if it is considered a threat to “public safety and national security”. If any reporter or blogger violates this law by criticizing the government, they could be legally penalized with a fine of 20,000 pounds ($3,650) and up to five years in prison. The Moltaqa Forum for Development and Human Rights Dialogue reported that between January and March 2009, 57 journalists from 13 newspapers faced legal penalties for their governmental critiques. The Egyptian government owns stock in the three largest daily newspapers. The government controls the licensing and distribution of all papers in Egypt. The Egyptian government shut down the Internet to most of Egypt during the recent protests in order to limit communication between protest groups.
Corruption among government officials
Further information: Crime in Egypt
Political corruption in Mubarak administration's Ministry of Interior rose dramatically due to the increased level of control over the institutional system necessary to prolong the presidency. The rise to power of powerful businessmen in the NDP, in the government, and in the People's Assembly led to massive waves of anger during the years of Prime Ministers Ahmed Nazif's government. An example is Ahmed Ezz's monopolising the steel industry in Egypt by holding more than 60% of the market share. Aladdin Elaasar, an Egyptian biographer and an American professor, estimates that the Mubarak family is worth from $50 to $70 billion.
The wealth of Ahmed Ezz, the former NDP Organisation Secretary, is estimated to be 18 billion Egyptian pounds; the wealth of former Housing Minister Ahmed al-Maghraby is estimated to be more than 11 billion Egyptian pounds; the wealth of former Minister of Tourism Zuhair Garrana is estimated to be 13 billion Egyptian pounds; the wealth of former Minister of Trade and Industry, Rashid Mohamed Rashid, is estimated to be 12 billion Egyptian pounds; and the wealth of former Interior Minister Habib al-Adly is estimated to be 8 billion Egyptian pounds.
The perception among Egyptians was that the only people to benefit from the nation's wealth were businessmen with ties to the National Democratic Party; "wealth fuels political power and political power buys wealth.
During the Egyptian parliamentary election, 2010, opposition groups complained of harassment and fraud perpetrated by the government. Opposition and civil society activists have called for changes to a number of legal and constitutional provisions which affect elections
In 2010 Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) report assessed Egypt with a CPI score of 3.1, based on perceptions of the degree of corruption from business people and country analysts (with 10 being clean and 0 being totally corrupt).[81]
Demographic and economic challenges
Unemployment and reliance on subsidized goods
Population pyramid in 2005. Many of those 30 and younger are educated citizens who are experiencing difficulty finding work.
The population of Egypt grew from 30,083,419 in 1966] to roughly 79,000,000 by 2008. The vast majority of Egyptians live in the limited spaces near the banks of the Nile River, in an area of about 40,000 square kilometers (15,000 sq mi), where the only arable land is found. In late 2010 around 40% of Egypt's population of just under 80 million lived on the fiscal income equivalent of roughly US$2 per day, with a large part of the population relying on subsidized goods.
According to the Peterson Institute for International Economics and other proponents of demographic structural approach (cliodynamics), a basic problem in Egypt is unemployment driven by a demographic youth bulge: with the number of new people entering the job force at about 4% a year, unemployment in Egypt is almost 10 times as high for college graduates as it is for people who have gone through elementary school, particularly educated urban youth—the same people who were out in the streets during the revolution.
Poor living conditions and economic conditions
Economy of Egypt
A poor neighbourhood in Cairo
Egypt's economy was highly centralised during the rule of former President Gamal Abdel Nasser but opened up considerably under former President Anwar Sadat and Mubarak. From 2004 to 2008 the Mubarak-led government aggressively pursued economic reforms to attract foreign investment and facilitate GDP growth, but postponed further economic reforms because of global economic turmoil. The international economic downturn slowed Egypt's GDP growth to 4.5% in 2009. In 2010 analysts said the government of Prime Minister Ahmed Nazif would need to restart economic reforms to attract foreign investment, boost growth, and improve economic conditions. Despite high levels of national economic growth over the past few years, living conditions for the average Egyptian remained poor, though better than many other countries in Africa.
Lead-up to the protests
To prepare for a possible overthrow of Mubarak, opposition groups studied the work of Gene Sharp on non-violent revolution and worked with leaders of Otpor!, the student-led Serbian uprising of 2000. Copies of Sharp's list of 198 non-violent "weapons", translated into Arabic and not always attributed to him, were circulated in Tahrir Square during its occupation.
Tunisian Revolution
Main article: Tunisian Revolution
Further information: 2010–2011 Middle East and North Africa protests
After the ousting of Tunisian president Zine El Abidine Ben Ali due to mass protests, many analysts, including former European Commission President Romano Prodi, saw Egypt as the next country where such a revolution might occur.[89] The Washington Post commented, "The Jasmine Revolution [...] should serve as a stark warning to Arab leaders – beginning with Egypt's 83-year-old Hosni Mubarak – that their refusal to allow more economic and political opportunity is dangerous and untenable." Others held the opinion that Egypt was not ready for revolution, citing little aspiration of the Egyptian people, low educational levels, and a strong government with the support of the military. The BBC said, "The simple fact is that most Egyptians do not see any way that they can change their country or their lives through political action, be it voting, activism, or going out on the streets to demonstrate."
Self-immolation
Following the self-immolation of Mohamed Bouazizi in Tunisia on 17 December, a man set himself ablaze on 17 January in front of the Egyptian parliament; about five more attempts of self-immolation followed.
National Police Day protests
Opposition groups were planning a day of revolt for 25 January, coinciding with the National Police Day. The purpose was to protest against abuses by the police in front of the Ministry of Interior. These demands expanded to include the resignation of the Minister of Interior, the restoration of a fair minimum wage, the end of Egyptian emergency law, and term limits for the president.
Twenty-six-year-old Asmaa Mahfouz was instrumental] in having sparked the protests that began the uprising in Cairo.] In a video blog posted two weeks before the start of the revolution,] she urged the Egyptian people to join her in a protest on 25 January in Tahrir Square to bring down Mubarak's regime.] She used video blogging and social media that went viral] and urged people not to be afraid.] The Facebook group set up for the event attracted 80,000 attendees.
Many political movements, opposition parties, and public figures supported the day of revolt, including Youth for Justice and Freedom, Coalition of the Youth of the Revolution, the Popular Democratic Movement for Change and the National Association for Change. The April 6 Youth Movement was a major supporter of the protest and distributed 20,000 leaflets saying "I will protest on 25 January to get my rights". The Ghad, Karama, Wafd and Democratic Front supported the protests. The Muslim Brotherhood, Egypt's largest opposition group,[101] confirmed on 23 January that it would participate. Public figures including novelist Alaa Al Aswany, writer Belal Fadl, and actors Amr Waked and Khaled Aboul Naga announced they would participate. However, the leftist National Progressive Unionist Party (the Tagammu) stated it would not participate. The Coptic Church urged Christians not to participate in the protests.]
Since the required permits to proceed with a demonstration had not been acquired, the protests were considered illegal, and security forces were obligated to respond according to law.
Grievances of Egyptian protesters were focused on legal and political issues including police brutality state of emergency laws lack of free elections and freedom of speech uncontrollable corruption and economic issues including high unemployment food price inflation and low minimum wages The primary demands from protest organizers were the end of the Hosni Mubarak regime and the end of emergency law; freedom, justice, a responsive non-military government, and a say in the management of Egypt's resources. Strikes by labour unions added to the pressure on government officials.
There were up to 840 deaths reported, and over 6,000 were injured. The capital city of Cairo was described as "a war zone, and the port city of Suez was the scene of frequent violent clashes. The government imposed a curfew that protesters defied and that the police and military did not enforce. The presence of Egypt's Central Security Forces police, loyal to Mubarak, was gradually replaced by largely restrained military troops. In the absence of police, there was looting by gangs that opposition sources said were instigated by plainclothes police officers. In response, watch groups were organised by civilians to protect neighbourhoods.
International response to the protests was initially mixed, though most called for some sort of peaceful protests on both sides and moves toward reform. Most Western governments expressed concern about the situation. Many governments issued travel advisories and made attempts to evacuate their citizens from the country. The Egyptian Revolution, along with Tunisian events, has influenced demonstrations in other Arab countries including Yemen, Bahrain, Jordan, Syria, and Libya.
Mubarak dissolved his government and appointed military figure and former head of the Egyptian General Intelligence Directorate Omar Suleiman as Vice-President in an attempt to quell dissent. Mubarak asked aviation minister and former chief of Egypt's Air Force, Ahmed Shafik, to form a new government. Mohamed ElBaradei became a major figure of the opposition, with all major opposition groups supporting his role as a negotiator for some form of transitional unity government. In response to mounting pressure, Mubarak announced he would not seek re-election in September.
On 11 February Vice President Omar Suleiman announced that Mubarak would be stepping down as president and turning power over to the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces. The junta, headed by effective head of state Mohamed Hussein Tantawi, announced on 13 February that the constitution would be suspended, both houses of parliament dissolved, and that the military would rule for six months until elections could be held. The prior cabinet, including Prime Minister Ahmed Shafik, would continue to serve as a caretaker government until a new one is formed. Shafik resigned on 3 March, a day before major protests to get him to step down were planned; he was replaced by Essam Sharaf, the former transport minister.
•
Naming
In Egypt and the wider Arab world, the protests and subsequent changes in the government have generally been referred to as the 25 January Revolution (ثورة 25 يناير Thawrat 25 Yanāyir), Freedom Revolution (ثورة حرية Thawrat Horeya), or Rage Revolution (ثورة الغضب), and less frequently, the Revolution of the Youth (ثورة الشباب Thawrat al-Shabāb), Lotus Revolution (ثورة اللوتس), or White Revolution (الثورة البيضاء al-Thawrah al-bayḍā
Background
Hosni Mubarak in 2009
Hosni Mubarak became head of Egypt's semi-presidential republic government following the 1981 assassination of President Anwar El Sadat, and continued to serve until 2011. Mubarak's 30-year reign made him the longest serving President in Egypt's history, with his National Democratic Party (NDP) government maintaining one-party rule under a continuous state of emergency. Mubarak's government earned the support of the West and a continuation of annual aid from the United States by maintaining policies of suppression towards Islamic militants and peace with Israel. Hosni Mubarak was often compared to an Egyptian pharaoh by the media and by some of his critics due to his authoritarian rule.
Inheritance of power
Main article: Gamal Mubarak
Gamal Mubarak, the younger of Mubarak's two sons, began being groomed to be his father's successor as the next president of Egypt around the year 2000 Gamal started receiving considerable attention in the Egyptian media, as there were no other apparent heirs to the presidency. Bashar al-Assad's rise to power in Syria in June 2000, just hours after Hafez al-Assad's death sparked a heated debate in the Egyptian press regarding the prospects for a similar scenario occurring in Cairo.
In the years after Mubarak's 2004 reelection several political groups (most in Egypt are unofficial) on both the left and the right, announced their sharp opposition to the inheritance of power. They demanded political change and asked for a fair election with more than one candidate. In 2006, with opposition rising, The Daily News Egypt reported on an online campaign initiative called the National Initiative against Power Inheritance which demanded Gamal reduce his power. The campaign stated, "President Mubarak and his son constantly denied even the possibility of [succession]. However, in reality they did the opposite, including amending the constitution to make sure that Gamal will be the only unchallenged candidate."
Over the course of the decade perception grew that Gamal would succeed his father. He wielded increasing power as NDP deputy secretary general, in addition to a post he held heading the party's policy committee. Analysts went so far as describing Mubarak's last decade in power as “the age of Gamal Mubarak.” With Mubarak’s health declining and the leader refusing to appoint a vice-president, Gamal was considered by some to be Egypt's de-facto president.
Both Gamal and Hosni Mubarak continued to deny that an inheritance would take place. There was talk, however, of Gamal being elected; with Hosni Mubarak's presidential term set to expire in 2010 there was speculation Gamal would run as the NDP party's candidate in 2011.
After the January–February 2011 protest, Gamal Mubarak stated that he would not be running for the presidency in the 2011 elections.
Emergency law
Main article: Emergency law in Egypt
An emergency law (Law No. 162 of 1958) was enacted after the 1967 Six-Day War. It was suspended for 18 months in the early 1980s and has otherwise continuously been in effect since President Sadat's 1981 assassination. Under the law, police powers are extended, constitutional rights suspended, censorship is legalised, and the government may imprison individuals indefinitely and without reason. The law sharply limits any non-governmental political activity, including street demonstrations, non-approved political organizations, and unregistered financial donations. The Mubarak government has cited the threat of terrorism in order to extend the emergency law, claiming that opposition groups like the Muslim Brotherhood could come into power in Egypt if the current government did not forgo parliamentary elections and suppress the group through actions allowed under emergency law. This has led to the imprisonment of activists without trials, illegal undocumented hidden detention facilities, and rejecting university, mosque, and newspaper staff members based on their political inclination. A parliamentary election in December 2010 was preceded by a media crackdown, arrests, candidate bans (particularly of the Muslim Brotherhood), and allegations of fraud involving the near-unanimous victory by the ruling party in parliament. Human rights organisations estimate that in 2010 between 5,000 and 10,000 people were in long-term detention without charge or trial.
Police brutality
Further information: Law enforcement in Egypt
According to a report from the U.S. Embassy in Egypt, police brutalities are common and widespread in Egypt. In the last five years, the Mubarak regime has denied the existence of torture or abuse carried out by the police. However, there are many claims by domestic and international groups providing evidence through inmate cellphone videos or first-hand accounts of hundreds of police abuse cases. In November 2008 alone there were two police officers who shot and killed civilians over petty issues with no legal justification.
According to the 2009 Human Rights Report by the U.S. State Department, "Domestic and international human rights groups reported that the Ministry of Interior (MOI) State Security Investigative Service (SSIS), police, and other government entities continued to employ torture to extract information or force confessions. The Egyptian Organization for Human Rights documented 30 cases of torture during the year 2009. In numerous trials defendants alleged that police tortured them during questioning. During the year activists and observers circulated some amateur cellphone videos documenting the alleged abuse of citizens by security officials. For example, on February 8, a blogger posted a video of two police officers, identified by their first names and last initials, sodomizing a bound naked man named Ahmed Abdel Fattah Ali with a bottle. On August 12, the same blogger posted two videos of alleged police torture of a man in a Port Said police station by the head of investigations, Mohammed Abu Ghazala. There was no indication that the government investigated either case.
The deployment of plainclothes forces paid by Mubarak's ruling party, Baltageya,[58] (Arabic: بلطجية), has been a hallmark of the Mubarak government. The Egyptian Organisation for Human Rights has documented 567 cases of torture, including 167 deaths, by police that occurred between 1993 and 2007. Excessive force was often used by law enforcement agencies. The police forces constantly squelched democratic uprisings with brutal force and corrupt tactics. On 6 June 2010 Khaled Mohamed Saeed died under disputed circumstances in the Sidi Gaber area of Alexandria. Multiple witnesses testified that Saeed was beaten to death by the police. A Facebook page called "We are all Khaled Said" helped bring nationwide attention to the case. Mohamed ElBaradei, former head of the International Atomic Energy Agency, led a rally in 2010 in Alexandria against alleged abuses by the police and visited Saeed's family to offer condolences.
During the January — February 2011 protests, police brutality was high in response to the protests. Jack Shenker, a reporter for The Guardian, was arrested during the mass protests in Cairo on 26 January 2011. He witnessed fellow Egyptian protesters being tortured, assaulted, and taken to undisclosed locations by police officers. Shenker and other detainees were released after one of his fellow detainees' well-known father, Ayman Nour, covertly intervened.
Corruption in government elections
Accusations of corruption, coercion to not vote, and manipulation of the election results have occurred during many of the elections over the past 30 years. Until 2005, Mubarak was the only candidate to run for the presidency, on a yes/no vote. Mubarak has won five consecutive presidential elections with a sweeping majority. Opposition groups and international election monitoring agencies have accused the elections of being rigged. These agencies have not been allowed to monitor the elections. The only opposing presidential candidate in recent Egyptian history, Ayman Nour, was imprisoned before the 2005 elections, According to a UN survey, voter turnout is extremely low (around 25%) because of the lack of trust in the corrupt representational system.
Restrictions on free speech and press
Even though the Egyptian constitution provides for the universal freedom of speech (Egypt Constitution, Article 47 - 49),[ the government frequently sanctioned home raids, torture, arrests, and fining of bloggers and reporters that criticise the government in any way. Under the current state of emergency laws, the government can censor anything if it is considered a threat to “public safety and national security”. If any reporter or blogger violates this law by criticizing the government, they could be legally penalized with a fine of 20,000 pounds ($3,650) and up to five years in prison. The Moltaqa Forum for Development and Human Rights Dialogue reported that between January and March 2009, 57 journalists from 13 newspapers faced legal penalties for their governmental critiques. The Egyptian government owns stock in the three largest daily newspapers. The government controls the licensing and distribution of all papers in Egypt. The Egyptian government shut down the Internet to most of Egypt during the recent protests in order to limit communication between protest groups.
Corruption among government officials
Further information: Crime in Egypt
Political corruption in Mubarak administration's Ministry of Interior rose dramatically due to the increased level of control over the institutional system necessary to prolong the presidency. The rise to power of powerful businessmen in the NDP, in the government, and in the People's Assembly led to massive waves of anger during the years of Prime Ministers Ahmed Nazif's government. An example is Ahmed Ezz's monopolising the steel industry in Egypt by holding more than 60% of the market share. Aladdin Elaasar, an Egyptian biographer and an American professor, estimates that the Mubarak family is worth from $50 to $70 billion.
The wealth of Ahmed Ezz, the former NDP Organisation Secretary, is estimated to be 18 billion Egyptian pounds; the wealth of former Housing Minister Ahmed al-Maghraby is estimated to be more than 11 billion Egyptian pounds; the wealth of former Minister of Tourism Zuhair Garrana is estimated to be 13 billion Egyptian pounds; the wealth of former Minister of Trade and Industry, Rashid Mohamed Rashid, is estimated to be 12 billion Egyptian pounds; and the wealth of former Interior Minister Habib al-Adly is estimated to be 8 billion Egyptian pounds.
The perception among Egyptians was that the only people to benefit from the nation's wealth were businessmen with ties to the National Democratic Party; "wealth fuels political power and political power buys wealth.
During the Egyptian parliamentary election, 2010, opposition groups complained of harassment and fraud perpetrated by the government. Opposition and civil society activists have called for changes to a number of legal and constitutional provisions which affect elections
In 2010 Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) report assessed Egypt with a CPI score of 3.1, based on perceptions of the degree of corruption from business people and country analysts (with 10 being clean and 0 being totally corrupt).[81]
Demographic and economic challenges
Unemployment and reliance on subsidized goods
Population pyramid in 2005. Many of those 30 and younger are educated citizens who are experiencing difficulty finding work.
The population of Egypt grew from 30,083,419 in 1966] to roughly 79,000,000 by 2008. The vast majority of Egyptians live in the limited spaces near the banks of the Nile River, in an area of about 40,000 square kilometers (15,000 sq mi), where the only arable land is found. In late 2010 around 40% of Egypt's population of just under 80 million lived on the fiscal income equivalent of roughly US$2 per day, with a large part of the population relying on subsidized goods.
According to the Peterson Institute for International Economics and other proponents of demographic structural approach (cliodynamics), a basic problem in Egypt is unemployment driven by a demographic youth bulge: with the number of new people entering the job force at about 4% a year, unemployment in Egypt is almost 10 times as high for college graduates as it is for people who have gone through elementary school, particularly educated urban youth—the same people who were out in the streets during the revolution.
Poor living conditions and economic conditions
Economy of Egypt
A poor neighbourhood in Cairo
Egypt's economy was highly centralised during the rule of former President Gamal Abdel Nasser but opened up considerably under former President Anwar Sadat and Mubarak. From 2004 to 2008 the Mubarak-led government aggressively pursued economic reforms to attract foreign investment and facilitate GDP growth, but postponed further economic reforms because of global economic turmoil. The international economic downturn slowed Egypt's GDP growth to 4.5% in 2009. In 2010 analysts said the government of Prime Minister Ahmed Nazif would need to restart economic reforms to attract foreign investment, boost growth, and improve economic conditions. Despite high levels of national economic growth over the past few years, living conditions for the average Egyptian remained poor, though better than many other countries in Africa.
Lead-up to the protests
To prepare for a possible overthrow of Mubarak, opposition groups studied the work of Gene Sharp on non-violent revolution and worked with leaders of Otpor!, the student-led Serbian uprising of 2000. Copies of Sharp's list of 198 non-violent "weapons", translated into Arabic and not always attributed to him, were circulated in Tahrir Square during its occupation.
Tunisian Revolution
Main article: Tunisian Revolution
Further information: 2010–2011 Middle East and North Africa protests
After the ousting of Tunisian president Zine El Abidine Ben Ali due to mass protests, many analysts, including former European Commission President Romano Prodi, saw Egypt as the next country where such a revolution might occur.[89] The Washington Post commented, "The Jasmine Revolution [...] should serve as a stark warning to Arab leaders – beginning with Egypt's 83-year-old Hosni Mubarak – that their refusal to allow more economic and political opportunity is dangerous and untenable." Others held the opinion that Egypt was not ready for revolution, citing little aspiration of the Egyptian people, low educational levels, and a strong government with the support of the military. The BBC said, "The simple fact is that most Egyptians do not see any way that they can change their country or their lives through political action, be it voting, activism, or going out on the streets to demonstrate."
Self-immolation
Following the self-immolation of Mohamed Bouazizi in Tunisia on 17 December, a man set himself ablaze on 17 January in front of the Egyptian parliament; about five more attempts of self-immolation followed.
National Police Day protests
Opposition groups were planning a day of revolt for 25 January, coinciding with the National Police Day. The purpose was to protest against abuses by the police in front of the Ministry of Interior. These demands expanded to include the resignation of the Minister of Interior, the restoration of a fair minimum wage, the end of Egyptian emergency law, and term limits for the president.
Twenty-six-year-old Asmaa Mahfouz was instrumental] in having sparked the protests that began the uprising in Cairo.] In a video blog posted two weeks before the start of the revolution,] she urged the Egyptian people to join her in a protest on 25 January in Tahrir Square to bring down Mubarak's regime.] She used video blogging and social media that went viral] and urged people not to be afraid.] The Facebook group set up for the event attracted 80,000 attendees.
Many political movements, opposition parties, and public figures supported the day of revolt, including Youth for Justice and Freedom, Coalition of the Youth of the Revolution, the Popular Democratic Movement for Change and the National Association for Change. The April 6 Youth Movement was a major supporter of the protest and distributed 20,000 leaflets saying "I will protest on 25 January to get my rights". The Ghad, Karama, Wafd and Democratic Front supported the protests. The Muslim Brotherhood, Egypt's largest opposition group,[101] confirmed on 23 January that it would participate. Public figures including novelist Alaa Al Aswany, writer Belal Fadl, and actors Amr Waked and Khaled Aboul Naga announced they would participate. However, the leftist National Progressive Unionist Party (the Tagammu) stated it would not participate. The Coptic Church urged Christians not to participate in the protests.]
Since the required permits to proceed with a demonstration had not been acquired, the protests were considered illegal, and security forces were obligated to respond according to law.
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